Asymmetrical Warfare and Military Strategy

American soldiers in Vietnam War

 

The American military, unquestionably the most powerful military force on the planet, has now lost three of the last four wars they have engaged in since the Korean War: Vietnam (1964-73), Iraq (2003-11) and Afghanistan (2001 and continuing). The only war the U.S. and their allies emerged with a clear victory was the Persian Gulf War (1990-91).

What has gone so wrong that the Americans and their allies cannot win wars despite the huge sums of money spent on the military, the sophistication of their weapons and the almost constant training of the military forces? Not to exaggerate, this is the most serious question faced by the western military alliance, and the answer should have an impact on all aspects of military planning and public policy.

As trite as it sounds the answer harkens back to the old saying that, “Generals always fight the last war.” War has changed and yet the Americans and their allies, including Canada, are still preparing to fight conventional wars like the Second World War or the Korean War, not the wars of the last fifty years.

Anyone with even a casual understanding of weapons and warfare will know that there is not a military force in the world today that could defeat the U.S. in conventional warfare. Because of this, challengers have developed and refined a military strategy that has come to be called “asymmetrical warfare.” In such conflicts a well-armed and supplied military force is pitted against an enemy that is much weaker militarily. The war takes place on the home territory of the weaker force.

Vietnam is a classic example of an asymmetrical war. The Viet Cong were native to Vietnam, and the Americans occupied the country with a much superior military force. The American military was well armed and trained, but their troops did not speak the language or understand the local culture. Soon they were seen as an occupying army by local people. In the end victory did not go to the superior force, as would be expected in a conventional war, it went to the Viet Cong.

Asymmetrical warfare has a long history. During the American Revolutionary War a group of American militia, called Minute Men, defeated British troops at Lexington and Concord using these tactics. During the Napoleonic War the poorly armed Spanish citizens drove the French out of Spain. The term “guerrilla war” comes from the Spanish word meaning “little war.”

Since the Korean War there have been many such conflicts: the French in Vietnam and Algeria, the British in Malaya and Kenya, the Portuguese in Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea, the Rhodesian Bush War, the South African apartheid regime against the ANC, the Soviets in Afghanistan and the Americans in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Iraq. In all of these wars the military of the developed countries had far greater firepower, better trained armies and in many cases more men in the field than their enemies, but ultimately they were either defeated, forced to withdraw, or change their policies to accommodate the enemy.

In asymmetrical wars the guerrillas, as they are often called, are organized into small groups of lightly armed, mobile fighters. They use their knowledge of the country and the support of the local people to ambush and attack their better armed and equipped enemy. Even a small number of attackers using modern, hand held weapons can inflict heavy casualties on the enemy within seconds, especially if the forces attacked are in the open and the guerrilla fighters are concealed. Large numbers of attackers in a battle are a disadvantage in today’s asymmetrical wars because they can be spotted and eliminated by air strikes.

The aim of the attackers is not to defeat the enemy in each battle. It is to inflict casualties, harass the enemy and reduce their morale and commitment to the war. In asymmetrical warfare it is essential that the guerrilla group keep the support of the local population. That allows the fighters to merge with the people, get supplies, rest, plan the next operation and then strike again. It is estimated that two percent of the population can win a war such as this, if they have the sympathy of the other ninety-eight percent of the population.

During the Vietnam War, President Lyndon Johnson spoke about the importance of winning the “hearts and minds” of the Vietnamese people. He understood that if the Americans were to win the war they had to have the support of the local population. But the problem was that the Americans were seen as an occupying army, they never won the hearts and minds of the Vietnamese and they lost the war.

There are many problems fighting an asymmetrical war but perhaps the most difficult is simply identifying the enemy. In unconventional wars the guerilla forces wear the clothing of the civilian population, and it is virtually impossible for an invading force, who cannot even speak the local language, to distinguish between friend and foe. This makes it very frustrating for the troops of the occupying army, and they often lash out against those they perceive to be the enemy with increasing ferocity.

The occupiers sweep into villages terrifying the local people. Soldiers kick in the doors of houses, round up young men, interrogate leaders and arrest those they vaguely suspect of being disloyal. Fear and anger often lead soldiers to commit atrocities. All of this makes the population angry at the occupying army, which leads to an increase in the recruits of the insurgents. Over time the number and intensity of the insurgent attacks increases.

Since Vietnam military planners have learned the American public has shown a reluctance to support wars where there are high casualties of their troops. As a result the Pentagon entered into an expensive and complicated program of computerization of the battlefield that uses bombing raids, and recently, unmanned drone aircraft. This high tech warfare is designed to keep troops out of harm’s way, but it creates more problems than it solves.

There are computer failures and technical incompetence on the part of the people operating the equipment. Like the troops on the ground, technicians and even intelligence agents often find it impossible to differentiate between friend and foe. As a consequence non-combatants are killed. In Afghanistan weddings have been attacked by American fighter planes and children out collecting firewood have been killed by air strikes. Again, incidents such as this fuel the anger of the local population and swell the ranks of the insurgents.

Victory in an asymmetrical war comes not from winning battles; it is the result of attrition. The struggle continues until the leaders of the invading force realize that they cannot sustain the casualties and are losing the support of the people at home. Finally political leaders make the decision to withdraw. That happened in every asymmetrical war of the past and soon will be the case in Afghanistan. Victory is the reward of stubborn perseverance, and the ability to continue the struggle despite the casualties and hardships.

There have been attempts to develop counter strategies designed to win asymmetrical wars. The most recent was proposed by General Stanley McChrystal who for a short time was the Commander in Chief of American forces in Afghanistan. He argued that peace could be made with willing branches of the Taliban. As a second step he said the Afghan Army should take the lead in the war with the NATO troops playing a supporting role. That policy was adopted by the Obama administration, but those on the ground say that the Afghan Army will never be in the position to lead the fight.

The former U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates felt the answer was to make American troops more culturally sensitive. He toured military establishments giving speeches about the need of the American military to learn foreign languages, and develop an extensive understanding of different cultures. In theory this seems to be an effective counter strategy, but it is almost impossible to achieve. The task of teaching thousands of American troops languages like Arabic, Farsi or Chinese would be daunting, but the real question is, would it make a difference? An invading army is seen as invaders no matter what language they speak.

The Americans and their allies have been unable to win asymmetrical wars not because of their weapons, equipment or training and certainly not because the young men sent into battle lack courage. Military and political leaders are asking the troops to do the impossible. The nature of these wars makes them unwinnable and the only answer is to avoid becoming involved in them in the first place.

The Obama administration seems to recognize this. In January of this year the President announced cuts to the military and said, “The long wars of the last decade are over.” What was also significant about the announcement was the reallocation of funds among different branches of the military. There will be a reduction in the U.S. Army while the air force and navy will be strengthened. All the indications are that the top political leaders and military planners in the Pentagon are determined to avoid asymmetrical wars in the future but plan to play the role of the world policeman with the overwhelming power of U.S. conventional and nuclear strike force.

If this is their strategy, American military power will become increasingly irrelevant. There is no country in the world today that is going to challenge the United States in a conventional or nuclear war, but if the Americans refuse to fight the small scale asymmetrical wars that are prevalent today, then where is their power? They are reduced to posturing alone because it will be only under extreme threat that they will be willing to use their military power.

Under this scenario Canada’s military strategy is even more irrelevant than the American. We are junior partners in the U.S. military alliance. The Canadian military is training troops to fight more wars like Afghanistan, wars the U.S. intend to avoid. Meanwhile the purchase of sixty-five F 35 fighter jets cannot defend our sovereignty or even be a useful weapon to patrol the long Canadian coastlines, and as recent conflicts have demonstrated, fighter jets are very poor weapons in asymmetrical wars.

We are closely allied to a fading world power, and it is time to readjust our military to meet that new reality. If we want to play a role in world affairs and use our military for a useful purpose, now is the time to return to U.N. peacekeeping.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Obama, Afghanistan and the hope for peace, May 4, 2012

Coalition troops in Afghanistan

President Barack Obama traveled to Afghanistan on the anniversary of the killing of Osama bin-Laden.  There he declared that the end of the Afghan War was within sight.

Sound familiar?  It should.  This is what American military and political leaders declared in the midst of the Vietnam War.  But the news from Afghanistan is no better than it was from Vietnam in 1968.  These are the facts.

The Taliban now control more territory than at any time since 2001, the beginning of the war.  They control most of the countryside in the Pashtun ethnic areas of the south and now control large parts of the north.

Kabul, the largest city and the capital of Afghanistan, was believed to be secure from Taliban conflict.  No more.  Recent attacks by insurgents in the downtown core of the city illustrates that the Taliban can attack almost at will.

The U.N. has reported that 2011 was the worst year for Afghan civilian deaths with 3,021 killed and thousands wounded.

The war has cost the coalition forces 2,853 deaths since the start of the war in 2001 and 10,000 wounded.  The Americans alone have spent $560 billion on the war.

Transparency International has reported that Afghanistan is the third most corrupt nation in the world, after North Korea and Somalia.  Its political system, led by President Hamid Karzai, is said to be corrupt from top to bottom.

Afghanistan is the source of most of the opiates that are illegally distributed in the world.  Hillary Clinton once called Afghanistan a “narco state.”

The objectives of the war were to stamp out the Taliban and al-Qaeda and bring modernity to Afghanistan.  We were told that women were at risk in the country.  They were controlled to the point where they could not go out of the house without permission, and girls were at risk if they go to school.  Little has changed in the eleven years of war.

Afghanistan is the longest war in U.S. history and, despite Obama’s optimist statements, there is no sign of the end of the war.  The promise that U.S. troops will remain to 2024, guarantees that the conflict will continue in some form for another twelve years.

There is now ample evidence that prolonging the war will do little more than stop an accommodation between the Taliban and the Kabul government.  Afghans have to resolve this war, not the west or the Americans.

During the Vietnam War the Americans were convinced that if they pulled their troops out it would lead to disaster.  When they left it did lead to a communist take-over and real hardships for many people, but in time things changed and gradually conditions have become better for many Vietnamese.  We have to trust that the same will happen in Afghanistan.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Amnesty video on the arms trade

Amnesty International has just launched a campaign about the arms trade.

 

Amnesty researchers have found that at least 60% of human rights violations involve the use of small arms and light weapons.

We must stop the transfer of arms supplies to another country if there is substantial risk that they will contribute to serious human rights abuses.

View the 2 minute campaign video at
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9RSBmk-TXg&feature=player_embedded

And please circulate the online petition: http://www.amnesty.ca/iwriteforjustice/take_action.php?actionid=856&type=Internal

 

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Cost Estimates for the F 35 vary enormously

Michel Chossudovsky analyzes the costs of the F 35 in a recent posting on his blog www.globalresearch.ca.  You can find it at this address, http://www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=30144

He reports that the Canadian estimate of the cost of each F 35 fighter plane is $461 million, the U.S. estimate is $661 million and the Norwegian estimate is $769 million.

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

F 35 Controversy

 

In Canada the issue of the cost of the F 35 fighter jets has been raging for months. It has now been determined that Conservative government leaders underestimated the costs of the aircraft. The opposition parties are claiming that they lied to parliament, a serious charge that in the past has led to the resignation of cabinet ministers.

The real issue, however, is whether Canada, and other countries need this type of aircraft. As I have pointed out in other postings the F 35 is not only expensive but it is an extremely complicated plane driven by a sophisticated computer program.

We are in an age when war is diminishing and a new type of accommodation between the major world powers has emerged. The American effort to maintain a military far more powerful than any other on the planet is harmful to the development of peaceful relations.

We also know that aircraft such as the F 35 are useless in the asymmetrical wars of today because bombing raids kill local people and turn them against the war.

These are two responses to the growing controversy over the F 35. The first is written by myself and sent to the Toronto Globe and Mail in response to an op-ed written by J.L. Granatstein, a respected Canadian military historian. (an edited version of the letter was published on April 11, 2012) The second is a letter from Barbara Klunder, a well known artist.

Yes the F 35 is “toys for the boys”

J.L. Granatstein repeats the myths and misunderstandings about the F 35 in his article, “It isn’t about new toys for the boys.” (Globe and Mail, April 10, 2012)

He claims that the aircraft is necessary to protect Canadian sovereignty, and its strike capability will be needed for missions such as the bombing of Kosovo and the recent Libyan campaign.

This is nonsense. Canadian sovereignty is guaranteed by our memberships in various international alliances like NATO and NORAD, and our participation in a host of international organizations such as the United Nations. To think that sixty-five F 35s could repulse a serious military challenge is fantasy.

The bombing raids that the Canadian military carried out in Kosovo and Libya did not need aircraft with the level of sophistication of the F 35. In both cases the ground defenses of these targets were either non-existent or so damaged they were useless. Almost any aircraft could have been used, and the existing bombers of the Canadian Air Force were more than adequate.

At least Mr. Granatstein did not claim that the F 35 was essential in missions such as Afghanistan. Being a military expert, he knows that bombing runs have proven to be very costly in these types of wars because they kill civilians and alienate the local population.

Rather than the squabble over costs, let’s have a real debate about whether Canada needs military hardware like the F 35.

Bill Freeman, Toronto

Fighter jet price

There is no possible way the word ‘cheapest’ can be morally used when talking about fighter jet prices. We are talking about BILLIONS of dollars. That’s one thousand million for each and every billion. One thousand million dollars in each billion.

And if we buy some, hopefully not the gigantic number of 65, but maybe 10, which would still cost BILLIONS… that’s one thousand million each Billion…we would automatically be called upon to use them in some killing field somewhere.

If a referendum was held on whether Canadians want to be part of these wars, anywhere, I doubt very much if we would vote for such a future.

Barbara Klunder
Toronto

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Religious Leaders on West Bank Settlements

West Bank settlements

The issue of the West Bank settlements is one of the major Palestinian grievances that is hindering a broad peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians based on the Oslo Peace Accords.  Various groups are attempting to put pressure on the Israeli government to resolve this issue.  This open letter by a group of rabbis is part of that campaign.

Bill Freeman

April 5, 2012

In a few weeks, the United Methodist Church will make a
crucial vote on whether to divest from companies that profit
from the Israeli occupation. A few months later, the
Presbyterian Church-USA will vote on the same issue as well.

These churches, and the people of faith behind these
initiatives, are already being viciously attacked for saying
what many of us have been saying all along: that the Israeli
settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem must go and
that the Israeli occupation must end because a true
foundation for peace between Israelis and Palestinians can
only be based on justice and equality for all.They are
taking a stand, with their own resources fueled by their
faith - and so must we. http://www.rabbisletter.org/

That is why a number of rabbis from Jewish Voice for Peace's
Rabbinical Council got together and wrote an open letter -
and we even made a video - expressing our support for these
churches. Please take a moment to watch it!
http://www.rabbisletter.org/

We believe that investing in a companies that profit from
the Israeli occupation furthers injustice, reduces the
chances for peace, and is contrary to the Jewish values we
hold dear. We take on the challenges raised by the churches'
initiatives to stand up for those core values.
http://www.rabbisletter.org/

This is what I have learned about the companies the churches
are addressing with their proposed actions:

Caterpillar profits from the destruction of Palestinian
homes and the uprooting of Palestinian orchards by supplying
the armor-plated and weaponized bulldozers that are used for
such demolition work. Destroying homes is not a Jewish
value. http://www.rabbisletter.org/

Motorola Solutions profits from many aspects of the
occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, including
developing perimeter surveillance systems installed around
dozens of Jewish-only settlements in the West Bank, built on
Palestinian land. Defending stolen property is not a Jewish
value. http://www.rabbisletter.org/

Hewlett-Packard provides ongoing support and maintenance to
a biometric ID system installed in Israeli checkpoints in
the occupied West Bank which deprive Palestinians of the
freedom of movement in their own land and allows the Israeli
military occupation to grant or deny special privileges to
the civilians under its control. Discrimination is not a
Jewish value. http://www.rabbisletter.org/

The Jewish values we hold dear will be in evidence tomorrow,
as we sit down at the Passover Seder table and recount our
story of slavery and deliverance. We will remember our
bondage, an experience we do not wish upon ourselves or
others. We believe in freedom/herut for all. And we stand
together with others who share the same belief. We hope you
will too. http://www.rabbisletter.org/

Happy Passover,

Rabbi Elizabeth Bolton
Jewish Voice for Peace Rabbinical Council

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Tools for Peace 5: Truth and Reconciliation April 1, 2012

Members of the Canadian Truth and Reconciliation Commission formed to deal with the Aboriginal residential school issue.  CBC News, July 16, 2009

Criminal proceedings against political leaders can create more problems than they resolve especially if those leaders continue to have a following among the population.  Another approach that is equally controversial is Truth and Reconciliation Commissions.  Commissions such as this have been set up in a number of countries, including Chile, but the most successful was in South Africa.

With the collapse of the white apartheid South African regime in the early 1990s, and the election of the African National Congress in 1994, led by Nelson Mandela, a political problem faced by the new government was dealing with the atrocities that had been carried out by the apartheid regime and laying the groundwork for a multi-racial, democratic country.  In an attempt to deal with these twin problems the South African government set up the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

The success of this effort was in part due to the prestige of the leaders of the commission.  Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the chairman, was highly respected in both the black and white communities and other commissioners had equal prestige in their own communities.  Their mandate was to bear witness to the atrocities of the past.  They had the power to grant amnesty but only if, first, the acts committed were politically motivated and, second, those who had committed the abuses gave full disclosure of the crime.

The commission held hearings in every part of the country.  Thousands of people from all races came forward with their stories.  Amnesty was granted in a number of cases but in others it was denied.  The South African media followed the proceedings closely; they also attracted considerable world attention because of the unique quality of the hearings and the sincerity of the efforts to resolve the crimes of the past.  The final report tabled in October 1998 detailed many of the atrocities committed by agents of the apartheid regime, but it also criticized the ANC for violence that was committed in their struggle to overthrow the government.

In the judgement of many South Africans the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was a difficult but important effort to resolve the injustices of the past.  The white community tended to be more critical than the black.  Many of the victims of the violence felt that the process had robbed them of justice but the consensus was that it was more important to seek reconciliation than to seek retribution.

Others have tried to use the process of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions but have not had the same success; still it is a very important new tactic in the efforts to achieve peace.  The approach seems to be most appropriate as a conflict winds down and people are sincerely attempting to resolve differences and past atrocities.  The process is particularly suitable for trying to deal with the events and issues that come as a result of civil wars.

Speaking the truth – bearing witness – honestly revealing what has happened – seeking forgiveness: the experience of Truth and Reconciliation Commissions demonstrates that these are powerful ways to try to resolve the violence and conflict of the past.

Bill Freeman

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Barbara Klunder on the F 35 Fighter Jet

Lockheed Martin’s F 35 fighter jet

Lets’ imagine that we own forty fighter jets. They come with a high level of guns or bombs or ammo that we didn’t even know had been invented.

Harper says, ” Hey, I wanted 65! I am a money-saving hero settling for forty!” Forty fighter jets sitting on a parking lot somewhere in Alberta, maybe? Ten rows of four. Four rows of ten.  Big dark, dangerous jets.

Do they just sit here for months, with nothing to do? Pilots are being paid. They need to be working.  Harper will find things for them to do.

A little here, a little there. Help out in this war, help out in that war. A little border patrol, a few Air Shows, but I doubt if they will be doing nothing.

We will definitely be at war, somewhere, if we have fighter jets.  His generals and soldiers will do anything he says. His Lieutenant of War, Peter MacKay, who couldn’t find his way to the can in the dark, will do anything Harper tells him to do.

So, class, basic math here: Fighter jets equals going to War.  As the Americans know: War is good business. Invest your poor.

But do Canadians want to be in a War, any war again?   No, we don’t.

Barbara Klunder is a Toronto artist and children’s book author who often deals with the subject of war

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment

Tools for Peace 4: The ICC

In the 1990s acts of genocide took place in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda that shocked people around the world.  In response to these atrocities the United Nations Security Council established special criminal tribunals to bring the leaders of these genocides to justice.  These efforts were not entirely satisfactory, but they helped in forming a consensus that some type of permanent judicial procedure was necessary so that individuals who had committed serious human rights violations could be prosecuted.

In July 1998 representatives of 120 countries met in Rome and adopted the Rome Statute, an agreement that became the legal basis for the International Criminal Court (ICC).  It came into force on July 1, 2002.  Courts such as this had been established at the end of the Second World War, but this was the first time a permanent court with jurisdiction over international criminal acts had been established.

The ICC is an independent court “with jurisdiction to prosecute individuals responsible for the most serious crimes of international concern: genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.”  It is a court of last resort.  It cannot act if a national judicial system is undertaking proceedings against accused individuals unless those proceedings are not genuine.  The court operates under rules of evidence, such as the presumption of innocence until proven guilty, much like other courts around the world.  To date the ICC has pursued cases in the following countries: Uganda, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Darfur, Sudan, the Central African Republic, Kenya and Libya.

The ICC remains controversial both with legal experts and practical peacemakers trying to bring an end to war.  In effect a judicial system has been put in place that grants the ICC the power to deal with criminal behaviour in a way that supersedes national laws.  Legally this is a very significant precedent that many lawyers feel uncomfortable with because it challenges the principle of national sovereignty that has existed for centuries.

But there is another criticism of the ICC that is more practical.  Peacemakers who are working in wartime conditions, or in volatile situations where war could erupt at any moment, often need immediate solutions to calm the situation and end the violence.  One solution often used in the past has been the exile of a leader.  For example, Idi Amin, the so-called “Butcher of Uganda,” was allowed to go into exile in Saudi Arabia when his regime collapsed in 1979.  This brought calm to the country and helped to return peace.  Recently the ICC has launched criminal proceedings against the President of Sudan, Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir, and there is concern that this may make it more difficult to bring the war in Darfur and southern Sudan to an end because it denies al-Bashir an exit strategy.

Justice under the law is satisfying to people who have been persecuted, but what if it prolongs suffering and continues the war?  An important principle is that all people are subject to the law but in some cases, perhaps, the law must be suspended to bring peace.  These are difficult issues that will only be worked out in individual cases.

Bill Freeman
www.billfreeman.ca

 

 


Posted in Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

Tools for Peace 3: R2P

U.N. peacekeeping efforts are limited to those countries that are trying to bring peace, but it is limited. What if the leaders of a country violate human rights principles by turning the power of the military against their own people? This has happened again and again and the United Nations has stood by and done nothing. Surely, some argued, it is important to protect innocent people from the human rights violations of their own governments.

In 2001 the Canadian government released a paper arguing that the international community had the responsibility to protect the citizens of a country if their government committed genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing or crimes against humanity. In 2006 the U.N. Security Council voted in favour of this policy and in 2009 it was accepted by the U.N. General Assembly.

The U.N. policy called “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) introduces a new era in which the United Nations Security Council has the power to act proactively to protect innocent people during conflict. In effect this means that under special circumstances the international community has the right to intervene directly in the internal affairs of countries, if innocent people are at risk. Martin Gilbert, a historian, called R2P the most significant adjustment to national sovereignty in 360 years because, for the first time this policy broke the international agreement that prohibited international involvement in the domestic affairs of a country. This challenge to the principle of sovereignty is the major objection to the new policy, but it is not the only one.

In 2011 the Muammar Gaddafi regime of Libya attempted to put down a rebellion of its citizens by force of arms. Innocent civilians were killed in a reign of terror by the Gaddafi military. In the debate that this created it was argued that this was a crime against humanity and the U.N. voted to authorize military action on the basis of the policy of the Responsibility to Protect. A “no fly zone” was authorized; a coalition of countries led by France, Italy, Canada and the United States began a bombing campaign and attacked the forces loyal to Gaddafi.

Soon criticisms arose. It was argued by some that the U.N. had intervened to support one side in a civil war. But that was not the major criticism. At the same time of the insurrection in Libya, other uprisings arose in Syria, Yemen and other Middle Eastern countries. Those governments killed demonstrators in much the same way as the Gaddafi forces. The question was asked, why does the U.N. act against the government of Libya and not against Syria or Yemen? The answer seems to be political expediency. Gaddafi and his government were unpopular in the west while Syria and Yemen have large populations and it would be much more difficult to intervene.

With the successful overthrow of the Gaddafi regime in August 2011 many felt that the R2P policy and the bombing campaign was a great success. The actual fighting on the ground was done by the Libyan rebel army so they could claim victory when the authoritarian regime was overthrown, but that would not have happened without the bombing campaign.

With the implementation of R2P the international community has a powerful new method to deal with regimes that violate the human rights of their own people, but questions remain. What is the appropriate level of military action? Is it ever justified to intervene in a civil war? What nation or coalition of nations will take on the task of launching military action and risk the lives of their own soldiers in order to enforce the policy? And the most important question, what justifies taking action in one situation and not in a similar situation? Inconsistencies in the implementation of policies like this are difficult to justify.

The policy of R2P is a real departure from U.N. peacekeeping. It is the use of offensive military action by the international community to stop the violation of human rights. It seems likely that the principle of R2P will survive as U.N. policy, but it will not be easy to determine when and how the policy should be implemented.

Bill Freeman
www.billfreeman.ca 

Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment